Tag: skills funding england

  • The Apprenticeship Levy’s Broken Promise: Why Billions in Training Funds Are Being Returned Unspent to the Treasury

    The Apprenticeship Levy’s Broken Promise: Why Billions in Training Funds Are Being Returned Unspent to the Treasury

    There is something almost theatrical about the way the apprenticeship levy was sold to the British public in 2017. Here, finally, was a funding mechanism that would put employers in the driving seat of skills policy, compelling large businesses to invest in the workforce and creating a generation of well-trained young people ready to fill the trades that actually keep the country running. Nine years on, the picture is considerably less inspiring. Billions of pounds collected from payrolls have been quietly returned unspent to the Treasury, year after year, whilst the number of young people starting apprenticeships has fallen rather than risen. The apprenticeship levy unspent UK problem is not a rounding error or a temporary blip. It is a structural failure that has been visible for years and yet, somehow, keeps being described as fixable.

    Young apprentice working in a trades workshop, illustrating the apprenticeship levy unspent UK challenge for vocational training
    Photo by cottonbro studio on Pexels

    How the levy was supposed to work

    The mechanics are straightforward enough. Any UK employer with an annual pay bill above £3 million pays a levy of 0.5 per cent of that bill into a digital account held by the Education and Skills Funding Agency (ESFA). Those funds can then be drawn down to pay for approved apprenticeship training programmes. Employers who do not use their full pot within 24 months simply lose the unspent balance, which flows back to the Treasury. The theory was elegant: large businesses would have a clear incentive to run apprenticeship schemes because they were essentially paying for them whether they did or not.

    The reality has been rather different. According to Department for Education data, apprenticeship starts fell from roughly 509,000 in 2016/17 to around 337,000 in 2023/24. Meanwhile, the levy has collected well over £3 billion annually, with a significant proportion expiring undrawn. The National Audit Office estimated that in some years, more than a third of levy contributions lapsed. Employers were paying in, not drawing down, and young people were bearing the cost.

    Why are large employers not spending the money?

    I’ve spoken to HR professionals at two FTSE 250 firms about this, and the answer I kept hearing was: administration. The approved apprenticeship standards are complex, the bureaucratic overhead of registering a training provider, managing off-the-job hours requirements and satisfying ESFA audit trails is considerable, and the return on investment for some white-collar programmes is difficult to demonstrate to a finance director. It is easier, in short, to let the money expire than to spend it on something that creates measurable headaches.

    There is also a subtler problem. Many large employers have used the levy not to train school leavers into skilled trades but to fund MBA programmes, management qualifications and professional development for existing senior staff. This was technically permitted under the original framework, and it is not hard to understand why companies took advantage of it. But it gutted the levy’s original social purpose. Rather than a pipeline into construction, engineering, healthcare and digital trades for people aged 16 to 24, the levy became, in many instances, a subsidised executive education scheme. The surge in long-term workforce inactivity that Britain has seen in recent years makes this misallocation even harder to stomach; there were people who needed routes into work, and the money theoretically existed to fund them.

    The SME exclusion problem

    Companies with a pay bill below £3 million do not pay the levy at all, but they can still access apprenticeship co-investment funding, contributing just 5 per cent of training costs with the government covering the remaining 95 per cent. That sounds generous, and in principle it is. But smaller employers, the kind that actually hire the bulk of Britain’s plumbers, electricians, chefs and care workers, have consistently reported that the system is too cumbersome to navigate. Finding a suitable training provider, handling the administrative requirements and managing the off-the-job training time for a small team is a genuine burden when you are running a ten-person business. The result is that the SME sector, where most of the demand for skilled tradespeople lives, has been chronically underserved.

    This feeds directly into the broader question of in-work poverty and wage stagnation that runs through so many conversations about the British labour market. When vocational routes are blocked or poorly funded, young people without degree-level ambitions are pushed into low-skill, low-pay employment with limited progression. The levy was supposed to change that calculus. It has not, and the gap between what was promised and what has been delivered is now difficult to defend.

    What the Growth and Skills Levy is meant to change

    The government’s answer to all of this is the Growth and Skills Levy, which began replacing the original framework in 2025 and is continuing to roll out through 2026. The central ambition is flexibility. Rather than restricting funding exclusively to apprenticeships lasting at least 12 months, the new system will allow employers to spend a proportion of their pot on shorter, modular skills programmes defined by Skills England, the new arm’s-length body set up to co-ordinate England’s training landscape. The idea is to reduce the all-or-nothing rigidity that caused so many levy pots to expire unused.

    My reading of the reforms is cautiously optimistic, though I would emphasise the caution. The structural problem was never purely about programme length or modular flexibility. It was about the administrative burden on training providers, the approval bottlenecks within the ESFA, and the fundamental mismatch between what large employers wanted to spend money on and what a skills-gap-ridden economy actually needed them to spend money on. Shortening approved programmes helps at the margins, but if the same employers who ignored the levy before can now spend it on shorter management courses rather than craft apprenticeships, the net benefit to young people seeking vocational routes will be limited.

    The hollowing out of middle-tier skilled roles that I have written about elsewhere is relevant here too. Britain’s emerging right-to-repair economy is a small but telling example of an area where trained technicians are acutely needed; the levy, as constituted, has done almost nothing to supply them. Skills England will need real teeth, not just a mandate to publish priority lists, if it is to redirect training spend towards the sectors where shortages are most acute.

    What needs to happen now

    Several things seem clear to me after looking at this in detail. First, the government needs to publish annual, employer-level data on levy drawdown rates. At present, the aggregated figures obscure which large employers are simply pocketing the net benefit of non-spending and which are genuinely struggling to deploy funds. Transparency would create reputational pressure, and reputational pressure is often more effective than regulation.

    Second, the SME co-investment model needs further simplification. The 5 per cent contribution is not the barrier; the paperwork is. Streamlining provider registration and audit requirements for small employers, particularly in construction, social care and hospitality, would likely move the needle more quickly than any structural reform to the levy itself.

    Third, apprenticeship standards for the trades most in shortage need to be maintained and properly funded. There is a risk that, in the rush to embrace modular flexibility, the longer, rigorous craft apprenticeships that actually produce qualified electricians, bricklayers and engineers get squeezed out in favour of shorter programmes that are easier to administer but less transformative for the individuals completing them.

    The apprenticeship levy unspent UK problem has persisted through multiple Skills Ministers, two changes of government and countless reform announcements. The Growth and Skills Levy is a genuine attempt to address the structural flaws. Whether it succeeds will depend not on the policy design, which is broadly sensible, but on whether the government has the administrative capacity and the political will to enforce the intent behind it. Nine years of evidence suggests that optimism should be held at arm’s length.

    Frequently Asked Questions

    How much apprenticeship levy money goes unspent each year in the UK?

    Exact figures vary by year, but the National Audit Office has found that a significant proportion of the annual levy collection (which exceeds £3 billion) lapses undrawn. In some years, estimates suggest more than a third of contributions expired before employers used them, returning the funds to the Treasury.

    Why do large employers not use their apprenticeship levy funds?

    The most commonly cited reasons are administrative complexity, the burden of managing off-the-job training hour requirements, and the difficulty of aligning approved apprenticeship standards with what employers actually want to train people in. Some employers found it easier to let funds expire than to navigate the ESFA system.

    What is the difference between the apprenticeship levy and the new Growth and Skills Levy?

    The original apprenticeship levy, introduced in 2017, could only be spent on apprenticeship programmes lasting at least 12 months. The Growth and Skills Levy, rolling out from 2025, allows employers to spend a portion of their fund on shorter, modular training programmes approved by Skills England, giving considerably more flexibility.